An Open Letter to Barack Obama

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Dear President-Elect Obama
By David Lloyd

Once, in what was perhaps an unguarded moment, you stated that: "Nobody's suffering more than the Palestinian people". After days of relentless Israeli bombing in the Gaza strip that has already killed over seven hundred people, most of them civilians or policemen, and injured over three thousand, many of whom may yet die for lack of medical supplies and facilities, your words have never rung more true. And yet, so far, your signal response to this latest assault on the Palestinians, that the UN Secretary General diplomatically calls “disproportionate”, has been to defend Israel’s right to respond to rocket attacks that, while rightly condemned, are mere pinpricks in comparison to the horrific consequences of Israeli bombardment and of the ongoing blockade on Gaza.

Does this mean that on the long way to the White House you have trimmed your sails and, for the sake of securing the power you will soon assume, fear now to speak truth to power? Does this mean that, unlike Dr. King, your sense of justice is adjustable for the sake of political expedience? Those who supported you from the early days of your primary campaign did so not on account of your response to economic crisis, but because they believed in your sense of justice and your commitment to put an end to business-as-usual in Washington, and because they believed in your genuine desire to shape a new and different world order.

In 1981, while you were an undergraduate at Occidental College, you were among the first of a courageous group of students and faculty who, while the cause was still unpopular or unheard of, spoke out for divestment from the apartheid regime in South Africa. You knew then that it was imperative to place pressure on a racist regime which shamefully oppressed a black and coloured population that was discriminated against, subject to pass laws and control of its every movement, parceled into Bantustans, and subject to detention, torture and extra-judicial execution. When the black population protested, like the school children of Soweto, they could be summarily shot down by police or army. The ANC, under Nelson Mandela, was proscribed as a terrorist movement, its leaders were imprisoned, tortured or killed, its guerillas faced the overwhelming power of the South African army, equipped and trained in part by the United States and its European allies. A regime that was so unafraid to use violence in the defense of its discriminatory and racist regime, and so unashamed to do so in the face of international condemnation, could only understand the language of force. The divestment movement in which you so actively participated understood that the euphemistically and cynically named policy of “constructive engagement” was a moral and practical failure and that only the non-violent force of a financial boycott on the South African regime had any hope of bringing an end to apartheid without an horrific bloodbath.

Public figures as diverse as Bishop Desmond Tutu and President Jimmy Carter have recognized that Israel too maintains an apartheid regime, in practice if not in name. South Africa, now a functioning multi-racial democracy, was a white state for a white people. Israel is a Jewish state for a Jewish people. Its non-Jewish, mostly Palestinian Arab citizens are discriminated against in numerous ways, economically and civilly. The dispossessed and ethnically cleansed Palestinian populations, dispersed in the diaspora and in the refugee camps of Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon, are denied the internationally recognized right of return. They have had their lands and homes taken from them by armed and “legal” force, are subject to collective punishment, prolonged states of siege, the absolute and deliberately destructive control of their daily movements. Where South Africa instituted the pass laws, the checkpoints that have proliferated all over the West Bank and at the exits from Gaza prevent students from reaching their schools and hospitals, workers from reaching their places or work, keep farmers from their fields, the sick from the few hospitals that survive to serve them. The illegal settlements, that in contravention of all international laws regarding occupation have proliferated across the West Bank, are designed to be permanent “facts on the ground” and have divided recognized Palestinian territory into segmented islets, into besieged Bantustans, with the intent of preventing a contiguous Palestinian state. A so-called security wall, illegally built, as even the Israeli Supreme Court recognized, on Palestinian territory, has cut farmers from their lands and turned formerly prosperous villages into isolated prisons. Regular Israeli military incursions into Palestinian cities and refugee camps, and bombings from the air, have killed innumerable civilians, many of them children. Since the election of Hamas, in fair and open elections, Israel has subjected the civilian population of Gaza to a prolonged state of siege, designed to suffocate them into submission, depriving them at will of water and power, medical supplies and food, and of access to the outside world. The most recent, all-out assault on Gaza, the disproportionate and bloody use of excessive force, is no act of self-defense, but the dramatic extension of an insidious policy of extermination of a people that refuses to disappear.

Every one of these acts is a crime against humanity. In their ensemble, they constitute one of the most massive, ethnocidal atrocities of modern times. Almost alone among nations, Israel acts in flagrant violation of international law and UN resolutions and does so with impunity. That it can do so is in large part the consequence of the uncritical support offered to Israel by a succession of American administrations. Without the military and economic aid of the United States, which amounts to more than a third of all US foreign aid, Israel could not have mounted its violent offensives against the Palestinians or Lebanon, could not maintain its security apparatus, could not afford the illegal settlements that seek to expand Israel into what remains of Palestinian territory. The United States has supplied the F-16s that are bombarding the Palestinians, their schools, police stations and mosques, and the cluster bombs that continue to kill and maim children and farmers in southern Lebanon. America continues to support Israel to the tune of billions every year at the expense of US taxpayers and at the expense of its moral standing in the world.

You will continue to do so, according to your own web page, because “our first and incontrovertible commitment in the Middle East must be to the security of Israel, America's strongest ally in the region.” You and your Vice-President, Joe Biden, not only “defend and support the annual foreign aid package that involves both military and economic assistance to Israel”, but moreover “have advocated increased foreign aid budgets to ensure that these funding priorities are met.” In doing so, you lend your support, in the name of the United States, to a regime no less criminal in its acts and in its policies towards its own minority population and its dispossessed Palestinian neighbors than South Africa was in the 1980s. Then, it was argued, South Africa was our strongest ally in the region, a bulwark in the war against communism, a crucial supplier of uranium and other minerals, a prosperous Western-style democracy, if not the only democracy on the continent. To bring down the South African apartheid regime, it was argued, would be to create chaos in southern Africa, unleash a bloodbath in which whites and blacks alike would suffer, and pave the way for a communist or dictatorial postcolonial regime. The divestment movement, a non-violent coalition of students and academics, union members and churches, came together in the spirit of the Civil Rights movement to challenge those self-serving assumptions. It changed the direction of US foreign policy, disgracing its support of a racist regime, and placed effective pressure on the apartheid regime to begin serious negotiations with the ANC. Through a combination of diplomacy and divestment, we did end apartheid, making way for a functioning multi-racial democracy that confronts its challenges, indeed, but has not dissolved into chaos or tyranny.

It is time for the United States to place a similar pressure on Israel. That Israel has been America’s beneficiary, unchallenged in its war crimes and in its acts of terror, uncontested for its racist civil constitution and illegal occupations, has not been to the United States’ advantage. On the contrary, such unquestioning support of Israel has fuelled the legitimate anger of the Islamic world, supplied the justification for terrorism, and continually tarnished the United States’ reputation among the democracies of the world. That the United States has stood so often alone in defending Israel before the court of world opinion in the United Nations is not a sign of its virtue, but of the obstinacy and arrogance of its stance.

But it is not for the sake of the reputation or advantage of the United States that you should take a new path in relation to Israel. It is in the name of justice. It is not just to support the territorial ambitions, realized settlement by settlement, of a Zionist minority in the region. It is not just to continue to supply Israel with the most advanced weapons and the most deadly arms in order that it may murder civilians, children and policemen. It is not just that we should support Israel with all our diplomatic force and financial aid, while leaving Israel’s victims to die slowly for lack of food, medicine, water and power. It is not just that we should sacrifice a dispossessed people for the security of a state that discriminates and expropriates, continually and violently ignores UN resolutions and international appeals, collectively punishes those whose right to resist occupation is recognized in international law. There is no road to peace through such injustice.

It may be that the compromise in the end will be the establishment and security of two separate states. Almost certainly, the only hope of a lasting solution is a single state in Israel/Palestine, committed to the civil and human rights of all peoples within its boundaries, irrespective of religion or ethnicity. That is, after all, the standard to which we hold all other states in the world, Israel alone excepted. But no solution at all will be possible until we hold Israel accountable for its criminal violence and its illegal acts, until we cease to supply it with the means to pursue a course of domination and expansion, with arms and warplanes, with finance and diplomatic support. In wake of the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, your recent expression of "deep concern" is not enough. It is time for constructive disengagement from Israel, financial, diplomatic, military. What worked in the case of South Africa, divestment and pressure, may finally work in the Middle East.

Without such justice, there will be no peace.

David Lloyd
University of Southern California
Los Angeles, January 1, 2009


The Assault on Memory

Yesterday’s Israeli strike on a UN school in the Jabaliya refugee camp, which killed at least 30 Palestinians, has been roundly and rightly condemned by the United Nations, by governments and citizens the world over. So too have the strikes on the Islamic University and the destruction of the American International School (http://www.juancole.com/2009/01/israel-destroys-american-school-in-gaza.html). Palestinian rocket attacks that have hit schools and other civilian targets in Israel should also be forthrightly condemned, though there is no comparison possible between those random strikes and the systematic, deliberate and extensive destruction of Palestinian educational institutions by the massive firepower of the Israeli Defense Force. For any teacher, there is something peculiarly appalling about violence deliberately directed at educational institutions, at students and teachers, at the means of research and instruction, and at the lines of communication that tie the networks of thought and inquiry together across the world.

But in this moment of humanitarian crisis, of moral and political outrage, at a time of grief and anger, we would do well not to forget that these recent military assaults on Palestinian educational institutions belong in a pattern of Israeli efforts to disrupt and destroy schools and universities in the West Bank and Gaza. As always, Israel claims that schools and universities have been targeted because of rockets launched from them or because, like universities everywhere in the world, they contribute to military research. But for months, the siege of Gaza has seriously depleted supplies of educational materials, books, pens and paper; not to mention the lack of power and water that have made it impossible for schools and universities to function properly or continuously. The Israeli government recently denied Fulbright scholars the right to leave Gaza for the United States to take up the coveted scholarships they had earned even under the most adverse conditions. Over and over again, schools and universities on the West Bank have been subject to closure, sometimes for months on end, as a means of collective punishment for the crime of resistance to occupation. (<http://www.nearinternational.org/alert-detail.asp?alertid=386> <http://www.wrmea.com/backissues/0596/9605008.htm>

Routinely, the hundreds of checkpoints that hinder the movement of Palestinian civilians through the occupied territories prevent schoolchildren and students from reaching their schools and campuses. <http://www.birzeit.edu/news/16314/news> Past military assaults have deliberately targeted Palestinian records and archives (http://www.pitt.edu/~ttwiss/irtf/resolutions.palestinianlibs.html), including the Palestinian Research Center in West Beirut during the 1982 invasion of Lebanon.

Clearly these assaults on the educational and research institutions of the Palestinian people long preceded the end of the truce in Gaza or even the election of Hamas. They have been going on for decades and constitute an attack directed at both the history and the future of the Palestinians. A people claimed by Golda Meir not to exist, which yet persists in resisting its destruction and in affirming its historical and legitimate claim to sovereignty in Palestine, has to be deprived both of its material records and of its capacity for intellectual and cultural reproduction. It must be denied contact with the world of learning and reduced to ignorance and isolation. Far better that Palestinian schools be maligned for teaching hate, for teaching from maps that continue to use the historical Arabic names of towns and cities that have been settled and renamed by Israelis, that retain the names and locations of Palestinian villages destroyed and paved over, than that Palestinians should participate in the international community of scholars and disseminate their knowledge and their perspectives freely. It is, as Mahmoud Darwish so eloquently recorded in Memory for Forgetfulness, a war over memory as much as it is a war over territory. Indeed, the two are inextricable.

As teachers, it is right that we should protest, loudly and non-violently, the recent destruction of Palestinian institutions, the deaths of schoolchildren and students, teachers and watchmen, in Israel’s assault on Gaza. The Director of UNESCO condemned a proposal to boycott Israeli academics, arguing that “places of learning--schools, universities, laboratories, and research centres--are the seedbeds of a culture of peace" (http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article1048.shtml). Surely we must condemn all the more loudly not the mere boycott, but the destruction of places of learning in Gaza.

But we cannot stop there. Even as Daphna Golan of Hebrew University calls for a “peace strike” by Israeli academics (http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1053426.html), teachers in the United States—whose tax dollars fund the Israeli military and security infrastructure, its economy and its illegal settlements to the tune of billions per year—must strike in our own ways. We should consider a boycott of Israeli academic and cultural institutions until Israel’s assault and stranglehold on Gaza ceases; we should begin to implement a call for divestment and for an end to the US’s uncritical and unconditional material and political support of Israel. We must demand that our university presidents condemn as unequivocally Israeli assaults on and closures of Palestinian places of learning as they condemned the boycott of Israeli academics. We must organize teach-ins and courses that provide our students with an even-handed account of the history of Palestine and Israel and refuse to be harassed by the tired and worn-out accusations of anti-semitism or extremism that will inevitably follow. We must use our resources to support film series and cultural events that record the diversity and richness of the cultures of Palestine and the Levant. We must endeavor to establish exchanges between US and Palestinian Universities and, above all at this moment, find ways to assist their shattered institutions with material support. As teachers, we must commit ourselves to ensuring the memory and the future of the Palestinian people.

David Lloyd
Los Angeles, 1/7/09